Mexico and the Visegrad Group V4 (V4; composed of the Czech Republic/Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia) are geographically distant entities, classified as medium powers in international relations (whether considering Mexico, Poland, or the V4 as a whole), with corresponding political, economic, and soft power potentials ¹ . As emerging countries both parties possess limited international capabilities. Mexico-V4 relations are not treated as a top priority by either side. Mexico primarily concentrates its foreign policy on the United States (US), followed by Canada and Latin America ² . For the V4 members, the highest foreign policy priority is the European Union (EU), followed by Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans ³ . The US also plays a specific role for the V4 countries, being particularly important in political and military terms (as NATO’s leader and guarantor of security), especially for Poland. Nevertheless, both Mexico and the V4 express their intention to develop further cooperation, particularly in the economic and scientific fields.

The paper’s authors assess 4 research objectives. The first is to analyze the cooperative relations that currently exist between Mexico and the V4. The second is to investigate the problems and challenges shared both parties share. The third is to analyze the relations between Mexico and the EU, particularly since the entry into force of the Global Agreement, as well as the negotiation and modernization of the aforementioned agreement. The fourth one is to indicate the variables that hinder the increase of cooperative relations between Mexico and the V4.

The authors of the article examine the cooperation that exists between Mexico, the EU, and the V4, as well as Mexico’s bilateral cooperation with each individual member of this Central European grouping. The research hypothesis rests on the assumption that Mexico and the V4 countries are highly dependent on their geographically proximate political and economic powers, which, to some extent, hampers the deepening of their mutual relations. Moreover, these relations are based primarily on economic ties and on cooperation connected to their “soft power” capabilities, particularly in the scientific and academic spheres. “Pure” politics and “hard” security issues do not play key roles in the relations under analysis. Nevertheless, the development of these relations remains possible, especially if Mexico and the V4 countries continue to increase their weight in the international arena.

According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), in 2023 Mexico was the twelfth-largest economy in the world. On the other hand, in the Global World Economic Outlook Ranking published in 2023 by the IMF, Mexico recorded a GDP of 1.72 billion USD Furthermore, Mexico currently ranks as the fourth-largest economy in the Americas, after the United States, Canada, and Brazil ⁴ . In recent years, the country has also emerged as a “tourism superpower”, being the sixth most visited destination worldwide, according to the World Tourism Organization ⁵ .

Mexico is a part to the Agreement between the United States of America, the United Mexican States, and Canada (Canada–United States–Mexico Agreement/CUSMA, also known as USMCA, T-MEC or “NAFTA 2.0”) that entered into force in 2020. The CUSMA partners generate about 30% of the world´s GNP ⁶ .

The CUSMA has been a determining factor in the transformation and development of the Mexican economy, society, and culture. In fact, it has contributed to making Mexico a country distinct from other Latin American states. For example, the phenomenon of nearshoring has unfolded in Mexico in a markedly different way compared to other Latin American countries, with the exception of Brazil. The US represents Mexico’s most important economic partner, followed by China and the European Union (EU). It is worth recalling that prior to the creation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which entered into force in 1994, the Mexican economy had remained for decades on the periphery of the global economic landscape, in a manner comparable to the position of the V4 economies when they belonged to the former socialist bloc. By contrast, the Central European countries have undergone radical transformations as a result of their integration into the EU. For instance, Poland today represents the sixth-largest economy in the Union, while the V4 as a group constitutes its fifth-largest economy. Moreover, Central European economies are currently among the most dynamic within the EU.

It should be underlined that Mexico’s soft power exerts a significant influence, particularly in the Americas, but also in other parts of the Western world. According to the Global Soft Power Report published by Brand Finance in 2020, Mexico ranked as the second-highest country in Latin America in terms of soft power, just after Brazil ⁷ . Taking into account its economic weight, soft power resources, and geopolitical position-situated between North and Latin America-Mexico can be regarded as a midium power in international relations ⁸ . Before the left-wing political party Morena came to power in the presidential and federal elections of 2018, Mexico’s foreign policy was active in North America, Latin America, and Europe, particularly toward its most important EU partners. However, the administration of former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador displayed little interest in international relations ⁹ . For instance, during his mandate, he did not undertake any official visits to EU institutions or European countries, nor did he participate in G20 or Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) meetings. Moreover, his government maintained a pronounced distance and confrontation with Spain. From his archaic and populist perspective, Spain should formally apologize to Mexico for crimes against humanity committed during the colonial period against indigenous populations - a position that was not broadly shared by Mexican public opinion. By contrast, the current president of Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, has shown considerably greater interest in international relations than her predecessor. Nevertheless, her political discourse on foreign policy continues to emphasize the principle of national “sovereignty”. Regarding Spain, she has largely continued the political line of López Obrador. At the same time, Sheinbaum has concentrated on negotiating tariffs with the US. In light of the policies pursued under Donald Trump, both Mexico and Canada have been looking more actively than ever to diversify their international ties, particularly by strengthening cooperation with the EU, including the V4 countries ¹⁰ .

For several decades, the EU was Mexico’s second-most important economic partner after the United States. However, in recent years, China has overtaken this position. Previously, Mexico’s diplomatic, political, and soft-power presence in Europe was relatively prominent, particularly in the most developed European countries. Since the aforementioned domestic political changes, however, Mexico’s position in Europe - and especially in Central Europe - has declined significantly.

As mentioned above, the EU and its 27 member states represent Mexico’s third-most important trading partner, while Mexico is the EU’s fourteenth-largest trading partner. It is worth noting that relations between the EU and Mexico have developed under the framework of the Global Agreement, signed in 1997 and entering into force in 2000, officially known as the Economic Partnership, Political Coordination and Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and the United Mexican States, of the other part. Since the entry into force of the Global Agreement, bilateral trade has more than tripled over the past two decades. The flows of goods between the two economies reached 82 billion EUR in 2023 and 22 billion EUR with trade in services in 2022. In 2021, the EU remained the second-largest net investor in Mexico, with 6,9 billion EUR (24.6% of total net FDI) only after the US ¹¹ .

The most important pillars of bilateral cooperation are trade and political dialogue. Other areas of cooperation that can also be considered significant include international collaboration and security, migration, the promotion of human rights, and environmental protection.

Moreover, Mexico is an associated member of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). Likewise, it has a free trade agreement with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), which entered into force in 2001. Following Brexit, Mexico and the United Kingdom (UK) established the Trade Continuity Agreement, which came into force in 2021. Both parties to this agreement decided to maintain the preferential trade regime in their bilateral relations, as it existed when the UK was a member of the EU.

In 2016, the EU and Mexico initiated negotiations aimed at modernizing the Global Agreement, with the objective of updating it to address new economic and political challenges. Both parties reached an agreement in 2018 and finalized the negotiations in January 2025 ¹² . However, the new version of the Global Agreement has not yet been ratified by either party. Nevertheless, Mexico and the EU have indicated that they plan to ratify the updated agreement in 2026.

The new version of the Global Agreement includes new and important clauses, which are as follows:

According to the European Commission (2020), the new version of the Global Agreement outlines the joint ambition of the EU and Mexico to promote and protect human rights, multilateralism, and international peace and security, while facilitating strategic cooperation on key geopolitical issues. These include reducing risks in supply chains, ensuring a sustainable supply of critical raw materials, and addressing climate change. The agreement is also expected to "substantially boost" trade between the EU and Mexico. The European Parliament welcomed the modernization of the pact, noting that it could increase European exports to Mexico by 75%, save European companies approximately 100 million EUR in tariffs, and provide them access to Mexican public procurement. Brussels emphasized that the European agri-food sector will be among the main beneficiaries due to the elimination of tariffs and other non-tariff trade barriers. Once the treaty is fully implemented, Mexico will eliminate tariffs on European products entirely. The European Commission also highlighted an expected increase in European exports of vehicles and vehicle parts, as Mexican companies will receive more favorable treatment when purchasing European components, as well as machinery, pharmaceuticals, and services in business, finance, telecommunications, and transport due to greater access to Mexican public markets. In the energy sector, EU sources noted that the agreement guarantees European companies the same treatment as other preferential partners of Mexico, such as the United States and Canada. Additionally, the agreement incorporates a new chapter on sustainable development and mechanisms for resolving potential disputes. Finally, the new Global Agreement replaces the previous dispute settlement system with a modern Investment Court System ¹⁴ .

Despite the EU having 27 member states, Mexico concentrates most of its foreign trade with only seven of them, as well as with the United Kingdom. These EU members are France, Italy, Belgium, Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, and, more recently, one V4 country: Hungary. Together, these countries account for more than 93% of Mexico’s exports to the EU, as shown in Figure 1. There is an expectation that the new Global Agreement will enable Mexico to diversify its economic relations with other EU member states, including the V4 countries.

Despite Mexico’s recent modest political and diplomatic presence in the EU, and even more limited presence in Central Europe, it currently represents the most important economic partner in the Americas, after the United States, for the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and, more recently, Poland ¹⁶ . Nevertheless, economic relations between Mexico and the V4 countries remain relatively weak, particularly when compared with Mexico’s economic relations with the CUSMA partners and the V4 countries’ trade relations with Germany and other major EU members. On the other hand, when the V4 countries joined the EU, they also became parties to the Global Agreement.

It is worth noting that the Global Agreement has played an essential role in the context of the significant increase in economic cooperation between Mexico and each V4 country. Collectively, these countries represent the fourth-largest economy within the EU. Similar to Mexico, their emerging markets have become increasingly attractive for foreign investors. Most of the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to the V4 economies originate from Germany and other highly developed EU members. Over recent decades, Central European countries have received substantial FDI due to their EU membership, political stability, strategic geographical location, and socio-economic development. Furthermore, the V4 countries, along with other former socialist states, have markedly increased their economic competitiveness since the early 1990s, a development that has also been significant for Mexican entrepreneurs ¹⁷ . On the other hand, according to the World Economic Competitiveness Ranking of the World Bank, the most important Latin American economies have not achieved the same progress as the economies of the V4 in terms of their international competitiveness ¹⁸ .

However, the individual V4 markets are relatively small. Only Poland represents a medium-sized market of approximately 38 million consumers, while Hungary and Czechia have relatively small markets of around 10 million each, and Slovakia has an even smaller population of just 6 million. Nevertheless, the V4 economies today constitute the most dynamic economic zone within the EU’s sub-regions. A common challenge for both the V4 countries and Mexico is the need to enhance their innovation and competitiveness through knowledge-based economic growth, including significantly increasing financial investment in research and development, as other emerging economies have done in previous decades (e.g., South Korea, Israel). Unfortunately, modest investment in innovation by Mexico and the V4 countries has left them highly dependent on technology and know-how from their main trading partners - respectively, the CUSMA countries, the EU, or other highly developed economies.

The V4 countries are in a much stronger position than Mexico regarding challenges such as corruption in the public and private sectors, the strength of political institutions, the quality of public education, and infrastructure in key economic areas such as seaports, airports, railway systems, and highways. Another serious challenge facing Mexico is domestic security, particularly in the context of organized crime. Despite these obstacles, Mexico continues to attract foreign investors, largely due to its strategic geographical location and participation in the CUSMA. As a result, it serves as a convenient gateway to both North American and Latin American markets. Consequently, a considerable number of American, European, and Asian companies have established manufacturing operations in northern Mexico. In particular, Mexico has become a highly attractive destination for nearshoring, leveraging its proximity to the United States. This opportunity is also appealing for V4 entrepreneurs; indeed, some companies from Poland, Czechia, and Hungary are already utilizing it to export their products to CUSMA markets.

Although Mexico is the main economic partner in Latin America and the second in the Americas for the V4 countries, bilateral relations between the two parties remain of limited significance, especially when compared with Mexico’s cooperation with its CUSMA partners or the V4 countries’ trade relations with other EU members. Since the Global Agreement was established in 2000, economic relations between Mexico and the EU have more than tripled and evolved significantly. However, in recent years, China has overtaken the EU, which previously held the second position among Mexico’s foreign trade partners. The Global Agreement has fostered closer cooperation between Mexico and EU member states, and since 2008, Mexico has been considered one of the Union’s ten top strategic partners.

Undoubtedly, the new version of the Global Agreement will expand the opportunities for Mexico and the V4 countries to deepen their economic relations. It could also help both parties diversify their international partnerships. Currently, Mexico is the second-most important economic partner, after the United States, for Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. However, much remains to be done for these relations to reach their full potential. Mexico and the V4 countries are highly dependent on their most significant regional partners: the United States (or, more broadly, the CUSMA partners) for Mexico, and the leading EU members (particularly Germany) for the V4 countries. A major obstacle limiting the development of bilateral relations is the limited awareness of potential opportunities for enhanced cooperation among Mexican and V4 political and economic elites, as well as within public opinion and even the scientific communities in both regions.

As is well known, international relations have been radically transformed in the current century. In this context, both Mexico and the Central European countries are no longer peripheral actors on the global stage. On the contrary, they are now among the most important emerging economies in the world, and their geographical location provides unique economic and political opportunities. Consequently, Mexico and the V4 countries have the potential to further expand their cooperation, particularly in the economic and academic spheres. Undoubtedly, the resources and capacities to achieve these objectives are available; what remains lacking is a clear recognition of the necessity for such cooperation and the corresponding political will. Finally, Mexico, the EU, and the V4 countries should adopt a new approach and develop strategies that will enable them to diversify their international partnerships and effectively address the threats and challenges posed by the evolving global order.

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